2G EFFECT: CHANGING EQUATIONS IN DMK

2G effect: Changing equations in DMK

Chennai: With a critical election months ahead, and amid contradictory opinions within Tamil Nadu’s first family on how to deal with the current crisis, A Raja’s stock in the family is going down, sources say.

Last week, when Raja, once considered the blue-eyed boy of DMK leader and Chief Minister M Karunanidhi, called on his mentor at his CIT Colony residence where Kanimozhi and her mother Rajathiammal live, he was apparently scolded as Karunanidhi felt he had been kept in the dark about some details of the controversy.

After about 20 minutes, Karunanidhi left. In the evening, Raja met Karunanidhi again, at his Gopalapuram residence. It was initially said he was able to pacify Karunanidhi, but sources later said the party leader gave him only a few minutes, saying he hadn't time as he was scheduled to address a meeting.

Raja and Kanimozhi belong to the "second camp" in the family, the other side represented by more powerful leaders like Deputy Chief Minister and heir-apparent MK Stalin and his elder brother and Union Minister MK Azhagiri.

The brothers are backed by the powerful Maran brothers, who have an axe to grind. The younger Maran, Dayanidhi, had been replaced by Raja after a fallout within the family, and, as the Radia tapes now show, he and Raja had worked against each other at the time the Cabinet was formed in 2009.

Also, they say, unless the 2G controversy is capped soon, it may bring down Rajya Sabha member Kanimozhi, too, as she and her side of the family are seen as closely linked to the former Telecom Minister

After Dayanidhi's expulsion years ago, the sons and daughters of the patriarch had closed ranks to take on the Maran brothers. However, thanks to the efforts by Karunanidhi's daughter Selvi (who married their uncle "Murasoli" Selvam) and others including Stalin, they patched up while old fissures between Karunanidhi's two households started resurfacing.  

The first signs came on the very day of Raja's resignation. That evening, the Maran brothers and Azhagiri and Stalin had a party at a star hotel, ostensibly because Kalanidhi Maran had become the chairman of the recently acquired SpiceJet but actually, many believe, because of what had happened to Raja.

Again, even as DMK-run Kalaignar TV kept mum on the CBI raids across the state, it was the main news for the Sun News channel from the Maran stable, which had scrolls running right from the morning, describing the searches at the homes and offices of Raja's relatives and aides, giving their names, relationships with Raja and other details.

Interestingly, Karunanidhi is the only party leader who has spoken in support of Raja; others have either preferred to keep quiet or made noncommittal statements. Sources say the first camp feels the scam has damaged the image of the party beyond a quick-fix solution, and wants Karunanidhi to take action against Raja or at least keep him out of action till the Assembly elections are over.

From being in a position of strength, they argue, the DMK has nosedived into a crisis that could have been averted had Raja been asked to step down earlier. The upcoming Assembly election is vital for the party and the family, as longtime heir-apparent Stalin is expected to become Chief Minister if the party returns to power. And Karunanidhi has groomed Stalin over four decades to take on the reins of the party and the government.

HOW IT BROKE

August 2007
TRAI recommends competitive bidding for spectrum licences; A Raja's Communications Ministry rejects this, insists government continue allotting licences at fixed 2001 fees, on a first-come-first-served basis

September 2007
Ministry changes cutoff date for receiving applications for applications for 2G Spectrum licences. Applications come from Unitech, Loop, Datacomm and Swan, all with dealings in companies floated by Raja's family

December 2007
DoT finance member and secretary, both against existing licence policy, resign or retire; two others who had opposed favours to Swan transferred

January 2008
Raja aide Siddhartha Behura appointed DoT secretary. Within 10 days, nine licences issued, mainly to the four firms named

Sept-Oct 2008
Swan, which had bought licence for Rs 1,537 crore, sells 45% shares to UAE-based Etisalat for $900 million (Rs 4,200 crore)

Unitech Wireless, which had bought licence for Rs 1,661 crore, sells 60% shares to Norway-based Telenor for Rs 6,200 crore

The sales raises to Rs 70,022 crore the market value of the 9 licences, bought at Rs 10,772 crore. Difference of Rs 59,250 crore is DoT's loss

Nov 2008
CVC sends Raja a showcause notice, then a report to PM demanding Raja's prosecution

Oct 2009
CBI registers FIR

Oct 2009-April 2010
Subramaniam Swamy seeks sanction to prosecute Raja; government writes back that it would be too premature. Swamy later moves court

April-May 2010
Emergence of tapes of Niira Radia's phone conversations in 2008-09.
Mid-2010
3G auctions yield Rs 70,000 crore
CAG launches probe into 2G spectrum allocation
PIL filed in Supreme CourtNov-Dec 2010
Raja forced to resign
CAG estimates loss from undervalued sale at between Rs 70,000 crore and Rs 17,6645 crore
Raids on homes, offices of Raja and his aides
SC seeks original complaint that led to surveillance on Radia
CBI court reserves order on Swamy plea to prosecute Raja and appoint Swamy public prosecutor

CHECKLIST
Those who faced CBI raids Wednesday:
A Kamaraj: Associate editor of Tamil biweekly Nakkeeran, close to the DMK, Raja and Karunanidhi. After forest brigand Veerappan abducted actor Rajkumar and insisted that he would choose three emissaries to negotiate the latter's release, Kamaraj was Karunanidhi's messenger to then Karnataka Chief Minister SM Krishna. He once faced action when AIADMK leader J Jayalalithaa was Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, apparently for his closeness to the DMK. His wife Jayasudha is said to be heading the Chennai unit of Neera Radia's Vaishnavi Communications. Kamaraj hails from Perambalur, Raja's hometown; his house there was searched.

Father Jegath Gaspar Raj: The Catholic priest heads an NGO, Tamil Maiyam, in which Kanimozhi is a director and whose events, such as a cultural function and a marathon, she has been promoting. He writes a column in Nakkeeran about the war situation in Sri Lanka and is such an ardent supporter of Tamils there that many consider him an LTTE sympathiser.

Sadhick Batcha: Managing director of Green House Promoters. Questioned during last week's CBI raids. On Wednesday, CBI questioned his brothers and relatives believed to be involved in his business. Sources in Perambalur said officials even questioned a relative of one of his friends after a tip about dealings between them.

A Kaliaperumal: One of Raja's brothers, joint managing director of Green House Promoters. Kaliaperumal is a businessman with interests in a variety of fields. He has a stone quarry in his hometown, runs an automobile showroom for a motorcycle brand in Perambalur, and has a distribution network for an FMCG company nearby Ariyalur, which was searched. Kaliaperumal is a director on the board of Green House Promoters. The CBI reportedly summoned him for questioning, though Raja denied this. Kaliaperumal is also a trustee in Andimuthu Chinnapillai Trust, an organisation named after their parents.

Ramachandran: Another of Raja's brothers, he is a retired Forest Service official. His residences at Chennai and Tiruchy were searched, along with those of two sisters.

Subbudu, alias Subramanian: Perambalur native, alleged to be one of Raja's many agents in his hometown. He was a partner of Batcha and is said to have connections with at least two other real estate firms in the district.

Ganapathy subramaniam: Raja's auditor in Chennai.

GL Narasimhan: Another Tamil journalist, with Raj TV in Tiruchy

Source: The Indian Express